The Billionaire Class

Discussing Steven Taylor’s post yesterday that concluded, “I fear that we are seeing a significant shift toward direct oligarchic power in our elections which is not healthy in the least,” regular commenter @Beth observed,

I think Billionaires are a whole class of rich that is new, different, and way more destabilizing. I don’t have time now, but it would be interesting to compare say the Gilded Age Rich vs the Billionaires now. Or even just the growth of Billionaires in the U.S. I suspect that prior to about 1990 the number of Billionaires could be counted on 2 hands max. Now we have dozens if not hundreds of them and they can effect things more than the ordinary rich can because the difference between say having 100 million and having 1 billion is HUGE. Most people don’t understand how huge.

I remember being fascinated by the Book of Lists as a kid and at that time (the first edition came out in 1977), there were something like four or five billionaires on the planet. There are now so many of them in the United States alone that we can’t count all of them. The folks at Statista provide this handy dandy chart:

Certainly there has been considerable inflation of the 34 years covered–$1000 in 1990 has the same buying power as $2476 today—but that only gets us to 164. Ditto population growth—we only had 250 million people in 1990 and are up to 335 million now. But, again, that only accounts for a fraction of the growth. My guess is that the dot com boom of the 1990s created that initial spike; most of the growth since then looks much more natural.

A NYT Magazine feature from April 2022 titled “How Many Billionaires Are There, Anyway?” gets at the question. It starts with Malcolm Forbes’ idea in 1981 to create a now-famous list.

The resulting reporting project took a year, dozens of flights and thousands of interviews. At the top of the very first Forbes 400 list was Daniel K. Ludwig, a shipping magnate, estimated by the magazine to be worth more than $2 billion.

If you simply adjusted for inflation, that’s now at least $5.8 billion, a fortune that would land Ludwig in a seven-way tie for the 182nd spot on the last Forbes 400 list, alongside Fred Smith, the founder of FedEx; Gary Rollins, chief executive of Rollins, Inc., which owns several pest-control companies; and who could forget Peter Gassner, the head of a cloud-software company called Veeva. Fortunes at this tier hardly seem to merit media coverage anymore.

Indeed, one of the things that always surprises me about these lists is how anonymous most of the members are. Elon Musk, the current World’s Richest Man and the subject of Steven’s observation, is rightly a household name. For that matter, most have heard of Fred Smith and everyone has heard of FedEx. But neither Rollins nor Veeva ring a bell with me.

How can someone amass that kind of money in an enterprise that doesn’t even register with the public? I’m reminded of an old Chris Rock joke :*

In my neighborhood, there are four Black people. Hundreds of houses, four Black people. Who are these Black people? Well, there’s me, Mary J. Blige, Jay-Z and Eddie Murphy. Only Black people in the whole neighborhood. So let’s break it down, let’s break it down: me, I’m a decent comedian. I’m a’ight. Mary J. Blige, one of the greatest R&B singers to ever walk the Earth. Jay-Z, one of the greatest rappers to ever live. Eddie Murphy, one of the funniest actors to ever, ever do it. Do you know what the White man who lives next door to me does for a living? He’s a f**king dentist! He ain’t the best dentist in the world…he ain’t going to the Dental Hall of Fame…he don’t get plaques for getting rid of plaque. He’s just a yank-your-tooth-out dentist. See, the Black man gotta fly to get to somethin’ the White man can walk to!

But I digress.

Almost everyone at the top of the list is easily recognizable for what they or an ancester did:

The process has become easier in one sense, because our access to information is so much better; and harder, because there are so many more billionaires. The 2022 World’s Billionaires list, for example, grew by 573 names compared with the last prepandemic list, in 2020. That year, the world was minting new billionaires at a rate, Forbes noted, of about one every 17 hours. At the top of the new list is Elon Musk, with an estimated net worth of $219 billion; behind him is Jeff Bezos, with $171 billion. From there, it goes like this: Bernard Arnault and family ($158 billion), Bill Gates ($129 billion), Warren Buffett ($118 billion), Larry Page ($111 billion), Sergey Brin ($107 billion), Larry Ellison ($106 billion), Steve Ballmer ($91.4 billion) and Mukesh Ambani ($90.7 billion), the richest man in Asia and, I confess, the highest-ranked person on the list I’d never heard of.

Not only are those numbers staggering but they’re volatile. Two years later, Musk’s wealth has reportedly almost doubled. He’ll make more money as I’m typing this sentence than I’ll make in my whole life—and I’m doing pretty well.

If you continue down, keeping your eyes on the Americans, most are familiar, names you know from the vast fortunes cast off by Silicon Valley, or Walmart (the wealthiest Walton heirs have around $65 billion each), or Nike ($47.3 billion), or divorcing Jeff Bezos ($43.6 billion), or living longer than Sheldon Adelson ($27.5 billion). But eventually, you start to encounter less-familiar names: Thomas Peterffy, who immigrated from communist Hungary and pioneered computerized stock trading (No. 80, $20.1 billion); Robert Pera, who founded something called Ubiquiti Networks and — this was fun to learn — went to the same state college that I did (No. 127, $14.6 billion); speaking of college, there’s Dustin Moskovitz, who was roommates at Harvard with another guy who had a cool idea for a social network (No. 167, $11.5 billion). Before long, you’re down with the Peter Gassners of the world, and there are a lot of them — America has some 735 billionaires now according to Forbes, collectively worth more than $4.7 trillion. A decade ago, Forbes counted only (“only”) 424. A decade before that, 243. They keep multiplying, and their collective wealth grows, even, or especially, as the rest of us fall behind.

Editorializing aside, the question is How? If someone earned $100 million a year—which is a lot!—it would take ten years to earn a billion and four thousand years to get to Musk’s number. And few people, indeed, can sustain that kind of income over four thousand years.

The NYT billionaires feature spends several paragraphs ranting about policy changes initiated during the Reagan administration, notably a huge cut in the top marginalized tax rate and the Fed’s prioritization of reining in inflation. While both doubtless help explain the accumulation of wealth in the United States, the fact that the explosion of the billionaire class is a global phenomenon suggests that Republican policies are not the chief explanation.

Regardless, this makes sense:

In his book “Ages of American Capitalism,” the University of Chicago historian Jonathan Levy describes the era of capitalism we live in as the Age of Chaos: a time in which capital has become more footloose, liquid and volatile, constantly flowing into and out of booms and busts, in contrast to the staid order — and widely shared prosperity — that characterized the industrial postwar economy. 

[…]

This shift to a highly financialized, postindustrial economy was helped along by the Reagan administration, which deregulated banking, cut the top income tax rate to 28 percent from 70 percent and took aim at organized labor — a political scapegoat for the sluggish, inflationary economy of the ’70s. Computer technology and the rise of the developing world would amplify and accelerate all these trends, turning the United States into a sort of frontal cortex for the globalizing economy. Just as important, the tech revolution created new ways for entrepreneurs to amass enormous fortunes: Software is by no means cheap to develop, but it requires fewer workers and less fixed investment, and can be reproduced and shipped around the world instantaneously and at practically no cost. Consider that the powerhouse of 20th-century capitalism, Ford Motors, now employs about 183,000 people and has a market capitalization close to $68 billion; Google employs about 156,000 people and has a market cap of around $1.8 trillion. This new economy would be run by, and for, knowledge workers, who would reap most of the gains, and therefore have more money to spend on services — a sector that would come to sort of, but never fully, replace the manufacturing this transformation did away with.

“During the Reagan years,” Levy writes, “something new and distinctive emerged that has persisted down to this day: a capitalism dominated by asset price appreciation.” That is, an economy in which the rising price of assets — stocks, bonds, real estate — would be, somewhat counterintuitively, a fuel for economic growth. It has been a good time, in other words, to own a lot of assets. And owning assets is mostly what billionaires do.

Whether a direct result of government policy or merely helped along by it, we simply have a radically different economic system. This isn’t new news, of course, but it does lead to the concentration of wealth.

In his book “Capital in the Twenty-First Century,” the French economist Thomas Piketty  notes that the new economic order has made it difficult for the superrich not to get richer: “Past a certain threshold,” he writes, “all large fortunes, whether inherited or entrepreneurial in origin, grow at extremely high rates, regardless of whether the owner of the fortune works or not.” He uses the examples of Bill Gates and Liliane Bettencourt, the heiress to the L’Oréal fortune. Bettencourt “never worked a day in her life,” Piketty writes, but her fortune and Gates’s each grew by an annual rate of about 13 percent from 1990 to 2010. “Once a fortune is established, the capital grows according to a dynamic of its own,” Piketty notes, adding that bigger fortunes tend to grow faster — no matter how extravagant, their owners’ living expenses are still such a small proportion of the returns that even more is left over for reinvestment.

This isn’t shocking, of course. The Gates-Bettencourt illustration is a useful one. During all but the last two years of the period in question, Gates was the CEO of Microsoft. In that capacity, he generated a vast amount of wealth for the economy at large and has share of it, mostly in the form of Microsoft stock, while tiny as a percentage, was nonetheless enormous. An heiress, meanwhile, would earn the same return simply buying a ton of Microsoft stock in 1990 and holding on to it. In both cases, their wealth came from their money working, not their own labor.

Piketty was writing in 2013, while the economy was still recovering from the financial crisis of 2008. That recovery was buoyed by several years of near-zero interest rates, kept there by the Fed on the theory that, with credit widely available, the economy would regain its health. But low interest rates do two things: They push investors into riskier territory seeking better returns (and ideally creating jobs in the process); and they inflate the value of assets. Private equity and venture capital benefited greatly from this low-rate environment, helping both Silicon Valley and the financial engineers of Wall Street clean up once more. Even in less-dynamic sectors of the economy, the cheap money enabled an explosion in stock buybacks, some $6.3 trillion worth during the 2010s, or about 4 percent of our G.D.P. over the same period — more than we currently spend on defense. This, too, made asset owners richer.

The Trump years supercharged another bull market that would be supercharged again, paradoxically, by the Covid pandemic. When the Fed and Congress stepped in to prop up markets and assist the economy, they fueled yet another boom in asset prices — this time with more everyday Americans trying to get a piece of it, investing in everything from Tesla options to JPEGs of apes. The retail investors have seen winners and losers among them, while the billionaire class as a whole has absolutely flourished. Over the last five years, Jeff Bezos’ fortune has more than doubled; Elon Musk’s, fueled in part by retail investor exuberance, has grown by a factor of 20.

In fairness, 2019 was something of a trough year for Bezos, what with a $38 billion divorce settlement. That he’s managed to not only recoup that but significantly increase his pre-divorce net worth since is staggering.

But the more mundane cases are really more interesting than the famous ones.

I asked Dolan what her profile is of a billionaire whom she’d never find. She told me it’s someone who quietly sold a stake in a business for, say, $250 million in the ’90s, then invested it well. Today, a guy like that could use his wealth to do whatever he wanted: buy truckloads of Nazi memorabilia, try to persuade your mayor to privatize the city’s sewers or maybe both, and you’d be none the wiser. And in fact, he wouldn’t even have had to be all that smart with his money. If he parked $250 million in an S.&P. tracking index fund in 1992 and left it alone, he’d be worth more than $4 billion today. (Dolan cautioned that no one would be quite crazy enough to put all his money in the market; nevertheless.) He would have slipped through the billion-dollar barrier like an Olympic diver. And now he’s just a guy with an insane Schwab account, some interesting ideas about sewage treatment and the world’s largest collection of authentic Totenkopf rings.

The sneering tone notwithstanding, this re-emphasizes the key variable: having a large pile of money that can be left alone to grow into a massive pile of money while still enjoying a nice lifestyle. The quarter million in 1992 dollars would be worth $571 million in today’s money. But thirty years of compounded returns increases that seven-fold.

And, of course, the larger the pile the easier it is to increase it. If you have a few billion laying around, you can invest a few million in a couple hundred startups and, if even one of them makes it big, you come out ahead.

Here’s the top twenty on the Bloomberg billionaires list as of this writing:

Rather obviously, it’s dominated by people who call the United States home, including South Africa-born Musk. And almost all of the “new” money is in the technology sector (although, in fairness, Amazon started as, and in some ways still is, a retail company).

That Musk’s estimated net wealth has doubled this year—indeed, it has increased almost as much as Bezos’ total net worth—just boggles the mind.

That the three Waltons, all of whom inherited their money, are worth a combined $340 billion is noteworthy. Two others make the list at #40 (Lukas, at $39.6B) and #120 (Christy at a measly $18B).

Circling back to the subject of Steven’s post, it’s actually remarkable how few of these folks are front-and-center in American politics. Musk seems to have emerged in that role only in the closing weeks of the campaign. Charles Koch, the remaining living Koch brother, is ranked #22 ($65.8B) and has obviously been heavily influential for decades. But I recognize far more of them from their investments in professional sports than I do politics.


*There are multiple variants but this was the only one I could find a decent transcription of. The one I was looking for the punchline, “I had to host the Oscars to get that house — a black dentist in my neighborhood would have to invent teeth.”

The Shamelessness of Mitch McConnell

Photo Credit: NASA/Bill Ingalls

So, the former leader of Senate Republicans continues his brazen shamelessness, this time in a piece written for Foreign Affairs, The Price of American Retreat: Why Washington Must Reject Isolationism and Embrace Primacy . In many ways, it is what would have once passed as standard Republican boilerplate on defense and foreign policy, as it downplays and criticizes Democratic administrations while making it sound like we need to spend more money on defense. The phrase “hard power” (as if the US has gone soft) is deployed throughout. We need more weapons, dontcha know.

On that point, I will note this:

And each year, a larger portion of the defense budget pays for things other than weapons; nearly 45 percent of it now goes toward pay and benefits.

This is where it seems important to note that “pay and benefits” means “people.” You can use the weapons without, you know, people. The armed forces are made of people.

I will add that I find the notion put forward in the piece that the last four years have been a period of “weakness” and that we need “strength” to be partisan pablum.

But, of course, that’s not the shameless part.

The shameless part is that McConnell helped keep Trump in politics and supported his bid for election. Now is a little late to worry about what a second Trump presidency means. Moreover, it comes across as a sad joke that McConnell now thinks that giving interviews and allowing his name to be placed on Foreign Affairs articles means a tinker’s damn at this point. One of the ironies here, and maybe some amount of justice, is that McConnell was clearly motivated by his desire to maintain power and influence, and so was unwilling to spend the needed capital to stop Trump right after January 6th. And yet, here he stands, impotent and unimportant, trying to show that he is a Serious Person and a Leader in the GOP.

Too late, Mitch.

Far too late.

If you wanted history to remember you fondly, you should have done everything in your power to see that Trump was convicted in his second impeachment trial and barred from further political office. And yes, I think that if McConnell had come out against Trump, it would have given permission, and courage, in that moment for enough of his co-partisans to follow suit. I absolutely see McConnell as a key architect of our present moment.

I will not go through the entire piece. As noted, it is not especially remarkable. But let me note a few items

First, this was an absolutely infuriating line: “And these three U.S. adversaries [China, Russia, and Iran], along with North Korea, are now working together more closely than ever to undermine the U.S.-led order that has underpinned Western peace and prosperity for nearly a century.”

It is infuriating because the president-elect is clearly hellbent on “undermine[ing] the U.S.-led order that has underpinned Western peace and prosperity for nearly a century.”

Trump does not respect NATO, is actively insulting allies like Canada, and is threatening trade wars that will undermine the very basis of the global economy. Forget what damage Russia, China, and Iran want to foment, the danger is soon to be coming from inside the White House.

Not to mention the glaring sidenote that Trump admires Xi and has a crush on Putin. In regards to Russia, specifically, I expect that he will end up being instrumental, in some way, to affirming, if not outright blessing, Russia’s aggressive seizure of land from Ukraine. That alone would undermine the peace and prosperity McConnell is allegedly worried about.

Second, this passage was nice and galling:

But Trump sometimes undermined these tough policies through his words and deeds. He courted Putin, he treated allies and alliance commitments erratically and sometimes with hostility, and in 2019 he withheld $400 million in security assistance to Ukraine. These public episodes raised doubts about whether the United States was committed to standing up to Russian aggression, even when it actually did so.

So, let’s not forget that Trump held up that assistance in an attempt to force Ukraine into digging up dirt on Hunter Biden, and that attempt to use public funds for personal political gain led to his first impeachment. This was not simply him being erratic, or even hostile.

It was him being corrupt.

McConnell owns the Trump administration and all of its neo-isolationism. If McConnell wants to prevent what is coming, he needs to go back in time and tell himself to grow a spine and use all that power and influence he clearly values for something useful. If McConnell had voted to convict, it would have only required nine more Republicans to have barred Trump from future office.

But, sure, writing Foreign Affairs articles after he has been reelected should do the trick! No doubt Trump has read it (*snicker*) and finds himself duly convinced!

Trump is Right: The Debt Ceiling Should Go

In the middle of the current kerfuffle over keeping the government open is the surprising (to me, anyway) demand from Trump to take the debt ceiling issue off the table for at least two years, maybe five, or perhaps forever. Recognizing that part of what he is doing is trying to take away a tool that could theoretically be used as leverage by Democrats during his administration, I agree that it should go.

See, CNN: Trump would abolish the debt ceiling. Here’s what’s going on .

I have written extensively on this topic before, so I won’t rehash all that now save to note that if the spending and financing of the spending has already been legislatively authorized by Congress, the entire notion of the debt ceiling is moot. Moreover, we have to get to the point wherein we stop all of this government shutdown nonsense and while getting rid of the debt ceiling doesn’t stop that business altogether, it would take one of the triggers off the table.

It is worth noting that there is profound opposition to its removal in the right-flank of the GOP.

Previous posts on this subject:

Three Democratic Senators Introduce Amendment to Abolish Electoral College

The Hill (“Senate Democrats push plan to abolish Electoral College“):

Three Democratic senators unveiled a constitutional amendment to abolish the Electoral College system Monday, just more than a month after President-elect Trump stunned the Democrats by sweeping all seven battleground states, knocking off three Senate Democratic incumbents in the process.

Sens. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii,) Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) and Peter Welch (D-Vt.), three leading progressive Senate voices, say it’s time to “restore democracy” by allowing for the direct election of presidents through the popular vote alone.

The senators are troubled that the Electoral College has twice elected a candidate who didn’t win the popular vote in the past 19 years. In both those instances, a Republican captured the White House — George W. Bush in the 2000 election and Trump in the 2016 election.

Their joint statement (“Durbin, Schatz, Welch Introduce Constitutional Amendment To End Undemocratic Electoral College“) makes some good, if well-trod, points.

“In 2000, before the general election, I introduced a bipartisan resolution to amend the Constitution and abolish the Electoral College. I still believe today that it is time to retire this 18th century invention that disenfranchises millions of Americans,” said Durbin. “The American people deserve to choose all their leaders, and I am proud to support this effort with Senators Schatz and Welch to empower voters.”

“In an election, the person who gets the most votes should win. It’s that simple,” said Schatz. “No one’s vote should count for more based on where they live. The Electoral College is outdated and it’s undemocratic. It’s time to end it.”

“Our democracy is at its strongest when everyone’s voice is heard—and right now our elections aren’t as representative as they should be because of the outdated and flawed electoral college. I’m excited to partner with my friends and colleagues Senator Schatz and Chair Durbin on this important constitutional amendment, which will help empower every voter in every state,” said Welch.

In all but five presidential elections, the winner of the election received the most votes. Two of those five times came in the last 25 years, handing the presidency to candidates the majority of voters rejected. A handful of states now determine the leader for all 50 states, regardless of each candidate’s final vote tally. The proposed constitutional amendment would address this inequality by abolishing the outdated Electoral College system. Specifically, the constitutional amendment would provide for the direct election of the President and Vice President of the United States by a popular vote among voters in each state and the District of Columbia.

Seventeen states and the District of Columbia have joined a national plan to bypass the Electoral College by agreeing to allocate its electoral votes to whichever candidate wins the nationwide popular vote. The movement to abolish the Electoral College is also gaining popularity among voters with polls showing more voters preferring direct elections through a popular vote over the existing Electoral College system.

But here’s the thing: there have been ample opportunities to introduce this amendment when it has at least a marginal chance at passage and, certainly, at least be a debating point during an election cycle. We’re now in the lame duck period. The current Congress goes out of session Thursday and anything introduced now will have to be re-introduced when the new Congress comes into session on January 3.

One might say that it’s grandstanding but, given the timing, no one is really paying attention. The Hill—which covers Congress as its remit—is far and away the most prominent outlet covering the news.

Using Primary Threats to Instill Party Discipline?

Source: the White House

I have long argued that the decentralized nature of the nominations means that American parties are not especially disciplined. By this, I mean that the capacity of party leadership to force conformity on votes in the legislature is limited by the fact that party leadership does not fully control membership in the party.

In more disciplined party systems the ability of leadership to stop members of the party from using its label at the next election is a way to force party members to either toe the line or lose their seat. In the US, candidates enter the party by their own choice by filing paperwork at the local level to compete in nominating elections, i.e., primaries. Win the primary and the Republican or Democratic label is yours and, often because of the noncompetitive nature of US general elections, it could mean capturing the seat as well.

As a result, returning to the House or Senate typically requires winning the primary. And usually, incumbents do quite well in such contests, if anything because they almost always have a substantial money and name-recognition advantage. There is always some fear of being “primaried” by being challenged by a well-known and/or well-funded opponent. But this is normally a very ad hoc threat.

This appears to be changing, at least for the GOP. There appears to be a growing centralization of this threat funded by Elon Musk.

I was already planning to write about this phenomenon as it pertains to the Hegseth nomination, but then last night I saw that Trump wanted to stop the spending bill in Congress and threatened to primary any Republican who voted for it (see, via the AP, Trump threatens Republicans who support funding measure will ‘be Primaried’ ). This morning I woke up to hear that that the bill is now on hold.

Again, the notion that individual members of Congress might face a serious primary challenge is not new. And Trump threatening to endorse a challenger in such a scenario is also not new. What appears to be new is the notion of a coordinated/centralized threat of this nature to force party discipline on specific votes in the legislature via the deployment of Musk-funded PACs and siccing the right-win mob on individual members of Congress. The threat of Musk funding primary challenges has been in the air since the election, but this week there was already evidence it was becoming reality.

Specifically, I would note the case of Senator Joni Ernst (R-IA). Ernst appeared to be a likely holdout on the Hegseth SecDef vote. She had the moral high ground as the first female combat veteran elected to Congress and also was known as a champion who fought against sexual harassment/abuse in the military. She appeared poised to vote against Hegseth and then the Trump machine unleashed a media and advertising campaign against her and there was a clear threat of a primary challenge. Ernst is up for re-election in 2026.

Ernst appears now to have caved.

I recommend The Daily from Monday , which details the entire Ernst story. See, also, this write-up in the NYT: Ernst, Under MAGA Pressure, Signals Backing for Hegseth’s Pentagon Bid .

Mr. Trump’s hard-line backers paid for ads  in Ms. Ernst’s home state, questioned her Republican bona fides  on social media and even threatened to launch  primary challenges against her in 2026 to push her toward supporting Mr. Hegseth as the nominee.

Some prominent Trump activists, including Charlie Kirk and Stephen K. Bannon, the right-wing strategist, pushed to recruit Kari Lake, the former Republican candidate for governor of Arizona who grew up in Iowa, as a potential challenger to Ms. Ernst.

Setting aside the moral failing one could assert that is on display here by Ernst, this is Trump demonstrating a substantial amount of power, and it is a combination of his standing in the party, but also the power of Musk’s money. The inclusion of a billionaire willing to spend millions of dollars to get a single vote in the Senate is a game-changer in a way that solidifies Trump’s grip on the GOP.

It may be that the media blitz, and commensurate constituent pressure it likely generated, is more the issue than the primary threat at this stage, but the willingness to engage in such a media blitz over this one vote is a gauntlet being thrown. If Trump’s allies have the ability to coordinate a media campaign this quickly and easily over Hegseth (and demonstrate their willingness to spend) it is certainly enough to make the primary threat feel more concrete.

I have argued that the nomination of problematic and unqualified individuals to very important jobs was going to be a test of Trump’s power and a measurement of where the Senate GOP was. Ernst’s willingness to vote for Hegseth is a triumph for Trump and a failure of leadership and independence for the Senate GOP.

It may well be that the ability to coordinate these kinds of attacks will instill party discipline. A disturbing element of this is the simple fact that this discipline would not be because of a party unified around ideology or a governing philosophy linked to long-standing voter feedback. No, this would be a discipline driven by fear of Elon Musk’s bank account and his willingness to fund Trump’s whims.

This is not a healthy development for American politics and is yet another sign of the rising power of oligarchs in American politics.

Along those lines, see the following via Politico which demonstrated Musk’s influence and irresponsibility: Elon Musk fueled backlash to spending plan with false and misleading claims . See, also, from The Hill: House Democrat: ‘Unelected oligarch’ Musk ‘governing by tweet’ . And this timeline from Axios: Behind the Curtain: Musk’s America .

One of the threats of Trump 2.0 was that he would empower fringe actors who could do a lot of damage. Well, Musk is both being empowered by Trump and is also empowering him.

On balance, I think that more disciplined parties are better for democratic competition because it creates a stronger, clearer signal as to what the party stands for. But what we are seeing here is the personalization of one of the parties via piles of cash.

Maybe all this is bluster, but if members of Congress capitulate, it is effective bluster. It will be interesting and telling to see if the primary threat continues to be dangled over the heads of congressional Republicans and how much it controls their behavior.

The longer-term question will be how much will billionaire influencers like Musk continue this kind of political role. I fear that we are seeing a significant shift toward direct oligarchic power in our elections which is not healthy in the least.