South Africa’s highest court has rejected a renewed bid to outlaw a controversial song from the country’s apartheid era that has been condemned by Elon Musk as promoting white genocide.

The Constitutional Court has rejected an application to appeal its 2022 ruling that the song “Kill the Boer” does not “incite violence” but is a “historic struggle song”.

Following the decision, the Black nationalist Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party released a video of its leader, Julius Malema, singing the apartheid-era song at a political rally – prompting Musk to tweet his outrage at the “whole arena chanting about killing white people”.

‘Shouldn’t be taken literally’

The song’s actual name is “Dubul’ ibhunu”, a Xhosa phrase that does translate as “kill the Boer”. Boer is the Afrikaans word for “farmer”, and can mean a farmer of any race. But “since the 19th century (when Britain fought two wars against the Boers), it has also meant ‘Afrikaans person'”, referring to the descendants of white Dutch settlers in South Africa, said Al Jazeera.

To its defenders, the song “commemorates the fight against apartheid and shouldn’t be taken literally”, said The Associated Press. Originally sung at anti-apartheid protests in the 1980s and early 1990s, it is often accompanied by “toyi-toyi”, a military-style stamping dance “that remains synonymous with Black political rallies in South Africa”, historian Thula Simpson told Al Jazeera. These days, “Kill the Boer” is associated with EFF rallies, where renditions are “often punctuated by people pretending to shoot Kalashnikov rifles”.

In 2010, Malema sang “Kill the Boer” at ANC rallies – he was then the leader of the party’s youth movement – angering conservatives who said it “was no longer appropriate” and linked the lyrics to violence against white farmers, historian Susana Molins-Lliteras, from the University of Cape Town, told El País. A court subsequently ruled that the song was “hate speech” and banned it, setting off a prolonged legal battle that appears to have finally come to an end in favour of the 2022 ruling that it is not, in fact, an incitement to violence.

‘Stoke indignation’

Musk, who was born and raised in South Africa but left before the end of apartheid, has railed against “Kill the Boer” multiple times over the years, and even called for a boycott of The New York Times after it published an article in which South African historians defended the song.

For President Donald Trump, “Kill the Boer” is one of several South African “political hotcakes” that can be used to stoke indignation within the Maga movement, said Al Jazeera. Trump has previously accused South Africa of encouraging violence against its white minority and confiscating the land of white farmers.

Both Musk’s and Trump’s reaction to “Kill the Boer” have been noticeably “more extreme” than that of AfriForum, the Afrikaner rights group who lost their appeal application, said the broadcaster. AfriForum has declined to suggest any kind of “white genocide” is taking place in South Africa. “They have to paint within the lines,” said historian Simpson. “Trump and Musk, however, have no such limitations.”

Bon Délire

San Francisco

In our proud city by the bay, this new bistro on the Embarcadero is “one of the hippest places to be right now,” said Cesar Hernandez in the San Francisco Chronicle. Bon Délire has “tapped into what the people of San Francisco are craving: a fun spot in a historic area” with food of “exceptional quality” and a steady soundtrack of classic hip-hop and R&B.

Chef Vernon Morales proves daily why France’s greatest hits are timeless, and “it’s his subtle touch that helps make them pop.” His chicken croquettes “radiate with meatiness,” and he subs out béchamel for Parmesan shavings in his croque madame “to better preserve the ham sandwich’s crispiness.” Still, “the bistro’s handsome setting is what really sets the mood.” There’s always a crowd at the zinc-plated, horseshoe-shaped bar, sipping martinis or butter-washed palomas, and “the amount of feel-good energy could probably power one of the nearby ferries.” The tables go quiet only when the made-to-order madeleines arrive for dessert. “Buttery, tender, and delicately crisp,” they’re a must-order. Pier 3, the Embarcadero.

Chez Fifi

New York City

“New York does not want for French bistros,” said Matthew Schneier in NYMag.com. At this moment, for fair enough reasons, “Fifi is the one to visit.” After weeks of trying to get in, I called upon a friend to score us a reservation at Fifi’s 40-seat mahogany-paneled dining room in a converted Upper East Side town house and quickly picked up whispers of celebrity sightings: Chris Rock and Sacha Baron Cohen on one recent night, and Jon Hamm when I visited.

Chef Zack Zeidman “trusts that the French classics will sell themselves,” and you’d be wise to go with classics when you order. The escargots are “letter-perfect,” and the steak frites, featuring filet mignon au poivre, is both a standout dish and a relative bargain at $69. (A half roast chicken rings in at $70.) “Lounge long enough, and the room’s coziness creeps up on you, as do the solicitous staff and attentive drinks menu.” Other spots, including nearby Orsay, offer the same bistro classics. But if you crave buzz and scene as much as foie gras and omelets, Chez Fifi is, for now, unmissable. 140 E. 74th St.

Vecino

Detroit

“The effort put into this restaurant should be applauded,” said Melody Baetens in The Detroit News. Located in a handsome limestone building in Cass Corridor that had been empty for half a century, this “modern and moody” Mexico City–inspired newcomer “appeals to all of your senses,” from the velvet touch of the black curtains at the entrance to the “enchanting” Spanish-language soundtrack to the aromas emerging from the open-hearth kitchen. And “while the dining room is as comfortable as it is beautiful, it’s the food that really impresses.”

The masa-based half of the menu features house-made corn dough in all shapes and textures. Highlights include the tlayuda (a Oaxacan flatbread with sirloin, cheese, and chorizo) and the tuna tostada, which has a large portion of raw tuna dressed with fried leeks, dollops of creamy avocado, and chipotle aioli. From the hearth, the signature duck enchilada is “as impressive-looking as it is impressive-tasting,” leaving no mystery as to why Esquire named Vecino in its most recent best new restaurants list. 4100 3rd Ave.

Snow White

Directed by Marc Webb (PG)

Disney’s new live-action redo of Snow White is “neither good enough to admire nor bad enough to joyfully skewer,” said Manohla Dargis in The New York Times. After all the “nitwit controversies” it stirred up during its long gestation, including an ugly kerfuffle about its Latina star being insufficiently pale, the film itself turns out to be “perfectly adequate.” It’s also lucky to have Rachel Zegler as its titular princess, because the former West Side Story standout “has enough charm and lung power to hold the center of this busy, overproduced movie with its mix of memorable old and unmemorable new songs.”

But despite Zegler’s admirable work, the movie is “bad in all sorts of ways,” said Odie Henderson in The Boston Globe. Gal Gadot is “god-awful” as the Evil Queen who wants Snow White killed, and the seven dwarf characters, created via CGI and motion-capture animation, “look like Claymation versions of the Keebler Elves.” Meanwhile, the uneven attempts to update the plot, such as by recasting the prince as a Robin Hood–like forest rebel, result in a story that “feels lopsided and confused.”

Still, Snow White is “certainly not the disaster a lot of people seem to have hoped for,” said Ty Burr in The Washington Post. Faithful enough to the original, it has “a ton of theater-kid energy,” and “girls and boys of all ages might even welcome a Snow White who slightly more actively resists a dictatorial ruler.”

Death of a Unicorn

Directed by Alex Scharfman (R)

The latest horror-comedy from A24 rests upon “a potentially intriguing concept,” said Ryan Lattanzio in IndieWire. A father and daughter driving toward a billionaire’s home in a wilderness preserve strike a unicorn and throw the body in their trunk. But when their wealthy hosts discover that unicorn blood cures any human ailment and greedily attempt to harvest and sell the elixir, everyone at the estate becomes a target of violent attack by the forest’s remaining unicorns.

Unfortunately, “this agonizingly unfunny send-up of Big Pharma and Jurassic Park–scale tentpoles” lacks the bite and wit of several other recent eat-the-rich satires. At least Unicorn is “silly fun at a time when it feels like we could all use an escape,” said Brian Tallerico in RogerEbert.com. While it “feels like the kind of project that collapses with the wrong people in it,” every one of its cast members “understood the assignment,” starting with Paul Rudd as a corruptible corporate apparatchik and Jenna Ortega as his college-age child. With Richard E. Grant, Téa Leoni, and Barry’s Anthony Carrigan also on board, the cast is indeed “good enough to sustain the movie’s momentum for longer than it merits,” said Alison Willmore in NYMag.com. But the main characters are all two-dimensional, and the film relies heavily for its humor on the shock of seeing unicorns suffer or inflict gory violence. That shtick “doesn’t feel especially edgy by the third or fourth time.”

The Alto Knights

Directed by Barry Levinson (R)

“A Manhattan mafioso power struggle should drip with drama,” said Johnny Oleksinski in the New York Post. But nothing goes to plan in the new Barry Levinson film that features Robert De Niro in dual roles as the 1950s rival crime bosses Frank Costello and Vito Genovese. Sure, De Niro “pulls off the experiment,” imbuing Genovese with a spiky personality while Costello gets “De Niro classico.” But the “wacko double act” remains a constant distraction, as the film’s “potentially meaty” tale devolves into “a dense, unfocused history lesson that rambles on and on.”

The movie proves “more interesting in the context of De Niro’s filmography than it is as a stand-alone picture,” said Katie Walsh in The Seattle Times. Given the actor’s singular place in the history of mob cinema, “there simply isn’t anyone else who could go toe to toe with him, other than himself.” And despite the gimmick at the film’s heart, “by the time The Alto Knights arrives at its blockbuster scenes, it’s easy to be transported.”

So much of it, though, “boils down to old folks complaining about each other,” said Kyle Smith in The Wall Street Journal. Costello complains about Genovese, who ordered a hit on him that failed. Genovese complains about Costello, and Genovese’s wife does a lot of complaining, too. “There is a certain lack of youthful vitality in the picture,” as perhaps should be expected when the screenwriter, Nicholas Pileggi, is 92, and Levinson is 82. De Niro, at 81, is “effectively their kid brother.”

President Donald Trump is nearing a self-imposed deadline for a deal to deter Iran’s nuclear program. The next step might be negotiations — or an attack on Tehran’s nuclear facilities.

Trump is “seriously considering” an Iranian proposal for “indirect” talks on the issue, said Axios. That is the carrot. The stick is that America is also “significantly boosting” its forces in the Middle East, moving bombers and an aircraft carrier strike group to the region in case the president orders military strikes. He recently gave Iran’s leaders a two-month deadline to make a deal, “but it’s not clear if and when that clock started ticking.”

“The war drums are getting louder in Washington,” said Sina Toossi at Responsible Statecraft. While the president has said he “wants a deal,” hawkish factions connected to his administration are “promoting confrontation.” But a war would “blow up Trump’s broader agenda” and might motivate Tehran to push its nuclear program behind the threshold stage and actually build a weapon after decades of development. “That’s not the legacy” Trump should want.

‘Window of opportunity’

“It doesn’t look like the administration is playing around,” said Noah Rothman at the National Review. Israel’s recent “decimation” of Iran’s proxy groups Hamas and Hezbollah has arguably left the regime in Tehran more vulnerable than at any time since the 1979 revolution. An American attack on Iran would be “fraught” with risks, however. Iran could, for example, “activate terrorist assets” to strike targets inside Western countries. But there is a “window of opportunity” to neutralize Iran’s nuclear program: “It won’t be open forever.”

“Is an attack likely? Yes,” said Michael Rubin at 1945. The “chess pieces” are already moving into place. America has typically shown restraint toward the Islamic Republic, but Trump notably “does not constrain himself with diplomatic received wisdom.” Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei may actually want the U.S. to attack, which might “rally Iranians around the flag to make up for his declining legitimacy.” Even so, a confrontation is probably coming soon: “Time is ticking on a new conflict in the Middle East.”

‘On course to start a war’

It is “alarming to hear the drumbeat” for another war in the Middle East, said Daniel Larison at Eunomia. The Trump administration is asking too much of Iran: In addition to ending the nuclear program, the White House also wants the Iranians to “halt all support for allied groups throughout the region,” as well as “withdraw all their forces from Iraq and Syria.” Tehran won’t agree to such “humiliating” terms. It’s time for the American public to take notice: “The U.S. is on course to start a war with Iran for no good reason.”

Trump has “yet to demonstrate a coherent strategy for dealing with Iran,” said Imran Khalid at The Hill. The president “oscillates between threats and vague promises of negotiation” and in so doing actually encourages Iran to advance its nuclear program. Real diplomacy between America and Iran will take “trust, consistency, and a willingness to compromise,” but those qualities seem to be in “short supply.”

Thinking in terms of “generations” is a kind of shortcut to help us understand social and economic differences in age cohorts over time. Sometimes, though, it contributes to sloppy analysis or cliche-driven over-generalization. Generational names and birth years are therefore contested social constructs that are nevertheless widely influential in public discourse. Where did these ideas come from, and what is the difference between a Baby Boomer, a Millennial and a member of Gen Alpha?

What is a generation, anyway?

The rise of survey research comparing economic, social and health outcomes over time has increased interest in analysis based on the idea of generations, which “can help readers see themselves in the data and assess where we are and where we’re headed as a country,” said Pew, an organization that has been heavily involved in generational naming. Generations are “groups of people born within the same 15-20-year span” said USA Today.

“There is no official group in charge of naming generations,” but people born between 1946 and 1964 were “dubbed Baby Boomers because of the sharp increase in birth rates after World War II,” said Voice of America. Baby Boomers are “defined by the U.S. Census Bureau as those born between 1946 and 1964,” said The Library of Congress. The cohort has come under fire from younger generations for hoarding wealth and staying in political power too long. The group that followed the Baby Boomers got its name from Douglas Coupland’s 1991 book, “Generation X: Tales for an Accelerated Culture” which “explained that the letter ‘X’ was meant to signify his generation’s desire not to be defined.” Generation X now refers to “anyone born between the years 1965 and 1980,” said Yahoo Life.

How can we sort between competing generational definitions?

Historians Neil Howe and William Strauss are generally credited with inventing the term “Millennials” in their 1991 book “Generations.” They coined the neologism because the earliest members of the cohort would “graduate high school in 2000, a date that loomed large in the ’90s,” said Forbes. Millennials include anyone born between 1981 and 1996 and are “the first generation to know a childhood both with and without the internet,” said Parents.

Their successors, Gen Z, “have come of age in the shadow of climate doom, pandemic lockdowns and fears of economic collapse,” said McKinsey & Company. Their attitudes toward the importance of democracy, for example, may be dramatically different than their elders. Pew defines Gen Z as those born between 1997 and 2012, because the research “has shown dramatic shifts in youth behaviors, attitudes and lifestyles — both positive and concerning — for those who came of age in this era,” said Pew. However we define them, members of Gen Z are “the first digital natives,” who were plunged immediately “into a world of vast technological advances and innovations,” said Voice of America.

Pew itself has backed away from generational labels and has not designated beginning and end dates for Gen Z’s successors, Generations Alpha and Beta. That decision stems from a “growing chorus of criticism about generational research and generational labels” that led the organization to pledge that it will “only talk about generations when it adds value, advances important national debates and highlights meaningful societal trends,” said Pew. The social media marketing company McCrindle dates Generation Alpha as those born between 2010 and 2024 and “has announced that babies born from 2025 to 2039 will be part of Gen Beta,” said Mental Floss.

With Pew seemingly withdrawing from the generation-labeling business, it is not clear who or what will settle these debates.”One can find disagreements and complaints over date ranges, generation names” and other aspects of generational analysis, said The Library of Congress, which also places the beginning of Generation Alpha in 2010. Yet “the arbitrary nature of generational names and spans does not negate the reality that growing up during different eras can have a profound effect,” said Pew.