Once again, Arizona Republicans block efforts to repeal the 1864 abortion ban

After House Republicans repeatedly thwarted a bid to repeal the ban, two Senate Republicans backed a push in that chamber to move the repeal forward.

By Gloria Rebecca Gomez, Arizona Mirror

A bid to repeal Arizona’s near-total abortion ban that was written when Abraham Lincoln was president will move forward in the state Senate, while Republicans in the House of Representatives for the second week in a row blocked efforts to repeal the law. 

On Wednesday, two Senate Republicans supported a Democrat-led move to introduce a bill to strike down the state’s near-total ban on abortions from 1864. The law is set to go back into effect in June, after the Arizona Supreme Court ruled last week that it supersedes a 15-week gestational law passed in 2022

Shortly after that ruling was released, Democrats in both chambers of the state legislature made several attempts to repeal the law, with no success despite limited support from across the aisle

But that luck changed this week, when Republican Sen. Shawnna Bolick and Sen. T.J. Shope, a Republican, voted in favor of green-lighting the late introduction of a measure to eliminate the 1864 law. Efforts from the rest of the GOP majority to delay a vote on whether to give that permission were shot down with the help of Shope and Bolick. 

By a vote of 16-14, the new bill was allowed to be introduced. But it may yet be weeks until it’s ready to receive a final vote. While the motion requires the bill be brought to the floor for a vote, where it’s likely to pass, it will take three working days to do so. And since the Senate is only meeting once per week for the foreseeable future—its next workday is April 24—any possible vote isn’t likely until May. 

Republican Sen. Ken Bennett, who voted against delaying a vote on whether to permit the bill’s introduction but later voted against introducing the bill itself, said that he opposes repealing the 1864 law but feels it’ll ultimately come to pass. And, he added, doing so would likely help dampen support for the Arizona Abortion Access Act, which seeks to enshrine abortion as a right in the state constitution and appears certain to appear on the November ballot. 

“I’m not planning to vote for repeal,” Bennett said. “But I think if that’s where we end up—which I think that’s where we’re headed, given a couple of my caucus members—I think that gives us the best chance of defeating the Abortion Access Act, which I think goes too far.”

House GOP blocks repeal bill for second time

Hours before the effort in the Senate was successful, Democrats in the House were once again foiled in an attempt to force a final vote on whether to do away with the 1864 near-total ban. 

Unlike in the Senate, a bill does exist in the lower chamber , and lawmakers need only temporarily amend the chamber’s rules to allow for it to be voted on. But a motion to do just that from Democratic Rep. Stephanie Stahl Hamilton, was cut short by Republican Rep. Jacqueline Parker, a staunch abortion opponent who used a procedural move to derail the effort. 

Parker argued that such a motion required the support of House Speaker Ben Toma, a Republican. Toma, who is campaigning to represent a ruby red West Valley district in Congress, has repeatedly stated his opposition to repealing the 1864 law, and on Wednesday he reiterated that stance.

The 1864 law has been reaffirmed several times since it was first adopted when Arizona was still a territory, Toma said, and it is too early to decide whether the legislature should eliminate it, especially given that it is still being considered by the courts. 

The state Supreme Court ruled that abortion rights proponents have two weeks to decide whether to challenge the law based on early arguments around its constitutionality. 

Toma added that abortion is a morally fraught issue for many. 

“Abortion is a very complicated topic. It is ethically, morally complex,” he said. “I would ask everyone in this chamber to respect the fact that some of us believe that abortion is, in fact, the murder of children.”

All 29 Democrats and one Republican, Rep. Matt Gress, voted to allow the rule change and proceed with considering the repeal bill. But the other 30 Republicans voted against the move, and the 30-30 split doomed the attempt.

Shortly after their initial attempt was shut down, Democrats made another move to force a vote on the repeal, but that was quickly quashed under the same grounds. Again, the attempt failed on a 30-30 vote.

Minority Leader Lupe Contreras, a Democrat, told reporters afterward that the party remains committed to pushing for a vote on the bill. “This is not going away,” he said. “The people want it. We will keep doing the people’s work and this is part of it.” 

House Republicans react to Senate

Shortly after the Senate’s action on the move to repeal the 1864 law, lawmakers in the lower chamber showcased the fractures between Republicans who support striking down the law and those who want the abortion ban to remain in place. 

Gress, who is seeking reelection in a swing district and has sought to position himself as moderate on abortion since the state Supreme Court’s ruling was released, said he looks forward to the day when the House can vote on the Senate’s repeal bill. 

“I am encouraged that very soon—potentially next week—we will have a vote to repeal,” he said. “Make no mistake about it, this law will be repealed. There are enough votes in this chamber to repeal the territorial law. It will happen, it’s just a matter of time.”

But Republican Rep. Alexander Kolodin responded by celebrating the House’s earlier votes blocking the repeal bill and saying he’s never been more proud of action the chamber had taken. “We did our duty. We held the line for what we, as Republicans, know is right,” he said. 

A last-minute motion from Democratic Rep. Charles Lucking to eliminate a House rule mandating Toma’s approval of any effort to force a final vote on a bill was shut down by Republicans, including Gress, who voted instead to adjourn. Approving that rule change could have paved the way for a final vote of the House’s repeal bill. 

After Lucking criticized Republicans for choosing not to take action, Toma rebutted that rushing a vote on repealing the law would be the wrong thing to do, given the morally fraught issue it involves. 

“Rushing to judgment on something as heavy, as complicated, as emotionally and ethically complex as this debate serves no purpose whatsoever,” he said, before voting to adjourn.  

Toma noted that, even if the repeal bill had been passed today, it wouldn’t go into effect until 90 days after the end of the legislative session. And that could be months after the law actually becomes enforceable in June. 

“Doing this today is no different than doing this a month from today,” Toma said. “No different whatsoever because this will only take effect 90 days after sine die.”

Adding an emergency clause to a successful repeal would allow it to go into effect immediately, upon the governor’s signature, but to do that requires a supermajority vote in the legislature. That’s an unlikely prospect, given that Democrats in the House would need to peel away 11 Republicans to do so.

Abortion opponents exert pressure

Just two hours before lawmakers in the House met to discuss whether to repeal the 160-year-old law, anti-abortion protestors gathered in the Capitol courtyard to call for its preservation. Attendees handed out miniature baby figurines and plastic yellow flowers to symbolize life.

Kaylee Stockton looked on as her one-year-old son, Colton, shuffled through a pile of pro-life posters, holding up brightly colored ones for his mom’s approval. The Grand Canyon University student said she was told abortion was an option when she became pregnant as a teenager, but is glad she didn’t take that route. Now, she’s an activist in the pro-life movement, as a captain in the Students for Life Action group. Stockton called the state Supreme Court’s ruling life-saving and blasted Republican lawmakers who have sought to distance themselves from it. 

“A lot of lawmakers are abandoning their values to get reelected,” she said. “And that’s shameful.”

Two lawmakers with a religious background, Republican Rep. Lupe Diaz and Rep. David Marshall, joined the group to express their support for the protest. Both are pastors and staunchly anti-abortion. Marshall, a Republican, highlighted what he saw as an ironic part of the law’s history. 

“People don’t realize, the 1864 law was codified in 1977, under Democrats,” he said, to a protester. 

The near-total ban was recodified several times since it was first passed, along with the rest of Arizona’s criminal code, including once in 1977 when there was a Democratic governor and split control of the legislature. At the time, under the protection of Roe v. Wade, the law was considered unenforceable. Since the state Supreme Court’s ruling earlier this month to reinstate the 1864 law, some Republicans have sought to shift the blame for the law’s continued existence onto Democrats. 

Marshall added that repealing the 1864 law was a nonstarter with him because doing so would undermine the legitimacy of other long-standing laws. 

“Are we going to repeal the Constitution?” he asked. “The 1865 slave law? Where does it stop?” 

After a round of prayers and songs, the more than three dozen protestors packed the House gallery, where they watched proceedings and periodically cheered on Republican lawmakers. 

In his final comments before the chamber adjourned for the week, Kolodin referenced the presence of those in the gallery, highlighting their support of pro-life Republicans who worked to block the repeal of the 1864 law.

“We resisted the perceived popular pressure and those in the gallery let us know that the people of Arizona of good faith will stand with us when we do that,” he said.

House Republicans stall on rules change, look to ballot proposals

The effort to strike down the 1864 law in the House hinges on the success of a procedural motion that could allow the repeal bill to be voted on. And while some Republicans have signaled interest in overturning the 1864 law itself, they have largely failed to vote in favor of adopting a temporary rule change that could allow it to be put up for a vote in the first place. 

Because the bill was never heard in any legislative committee, where Republican chairs decide which bills move forward and which stagnate, a special rule needs to be adopted before a vote can be held. 

So far, Gress is the only Republican who has been willing to side with Democrats to support the adoption of that rule. The freshman lawmaker is seeking reelection in a swing district that has already punished anti-abortion politicians: Former senator Nancy Barto, who authored the 15-week gestational law that led to the eventual upholding of the 1864 near-total ban, lost her reelection in 2022 to a pro-choice Democrat

The two other House Republicans who have publicly expressed their support for a repeal , Republican Rep. David Cook,Rep. Tim Dunn, also a Republican, both voted against the bid to amend the chamber’s rules to bring up the repeal bill for a vote. 

Speaking to reporters after the failed attempt in the House to push through a repeal, Gress said some Republicans need more time before they can overcome their qualms with the “procedural hurdle.” But the support to repeal the law is there, he insisted. 

“There are Republicans who want to repeal the territorial ban,” he said. “That vote will happen, and it will pass and the bill will be sent to the Governor’s Office. It’s a matter of time.” 

With the Senate taking some action on moving a repeal bill, it’s more likely that the House will vote on the upper chamber’s version instead of passing its own, though doing so will still requiring using procedural moves to go around Toma. 

Instead, House Republicans signaled on Wednesday that they were focusing on trying to compete with the abortion access initiative that’s expected to go before voters in November. Earlier this week, a plan from the GOP majority in the House was leaked outlining their intent to author competing ballot initiatives in an attempt to both stifle support for the abortion access act and circumvent criticism that the party isn’t acting on repealing the 1864 law. 

On Wednesday, Kolodin indicated that a final decision from House Republicans on which ballot plan to pursue could come as soon as tomorrow. After that, he said, the regulation of abortions in the state will be up to Arizona voters. 

“Tomorrow, or very soon thereafter, Republicans will be presenting a Republican plan to deal with this issue and provide the voters of Arizona with choices,” he said. “The ultimate folks who are going to make the call are the people of the state of Arizona.”

Toma, however, struck a more hesitant tone, saying the proposals are still being considered by lawmakers and the legislature has plenty of time to send its final choice to the ballot. 

“We have plenty of time to address the issue, we’re not having this conversation … in September or October, we’re having it now, in April. So there’s plenty of time to talk about this and figure out what does make sense to send to the voters,” he said after the floor session.

As anti-abortion forces cheer, Democrats say GOP intransigence will lead to ballot victories.

The unsuccessful bid to eliminate the threat of the 1864 near-total abortion ban in the House prompted celebration from pro-life organizations and condemnation from Democratic organizations. 

Alliance Defending Freedom attorney Jake Warner, who argued for the reinstatement of the 1864 law in court, lauded the legislature’s move to protect “countless, innocent, unborn children.” Lawmakers, he said, simply defended the will of Arizonans, which for decades have elected pro-life politicians.

“Life is a human right, and the Arizona Legislature has again reaffirmed that fundamental right. Life begins at conception,” Warner said in a written statement. “Arizona’s pro-life law has protected unborn children for more than 100 years, and the people of Arizona, through their elected representatives, have repeatedly affirmed that law, as they did again today.”

Democrats, meanwhile, decried the failure to act, and warned that preserving the 1864 law is out of step with what the majority of modern Arizona voters want. 

“A law from 1864 written by 27 men cannot be allowed to govern the lives of millions of Arizona women. It’s time to put politics aside and do the right thing,” said Gov. Katie Hobbs. 

Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes, who has mobilized her office to defend against the 1864 law in court, criticized lawmakers for refusing to strike down the law that includes few exceptions and criminalizes providers with a mandatory 2 to 5 year prison sentence. The 15-week gestational ban that most Republicans support as an alternative to the 1864 law doesn’t include any exceptions for rape or incest victims, either.

“Once again, the Legislature has failed to repeal the outrageous 1864 near-total abortion ban.

It is abundantly clear that the majority party wants this 160-year-old law to take effect. Complicated or complex decision making is not required to repeal this insane law that doesn’t even include exceptions for rape or incest,” Mayes said in an emailed statement. “Shame on the Republicans for risking the health and lives of women in this state and for criminalizing doctors and nurses for caring for their patients.”

Mayes, who ran on a campaign to protect reproductive rights, added that her office is strategizing how to continue challenging the near-total ban in court. The Arizona Supreme Court gave opponents of the 1864 law, including Mayes and Planned Parenthood Arizona, until later this month to file an intent to continue litigation based on constitutional issues. 

At the national level, Democratic organizations sought to highlight the November elections. Abortion access has taken a front row seat in several states with the issue on the ballot, including in Arizona, and Democrats have sought to seize on that to mobilize voters. 

James Singer, a spokesman for the Biden-Harris reelection campaign, pointed to former President Donald Trump as the force behind the 1864 near-total ban. 

“Donald Trump isn’t on the campaign trail, but his dangerous agenda is causing chaos in Arizona,” Singer said, in an emailed statement. “The chaos and devastation of abortion bans—that Trump is responsible for—continue to wreak havoc.”

The Republican nominee appointed three justices to the U.S. Supreme Court during his presidency, securing a conservative majority that later overturned the protection of Roe v. Wade

Samantha Paisley, the national press secretary for the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee, said the failure of Arizona Republicans to eliminate the harsh law underscores the urgency of winning a Democratic legislative majority. Currently, GOP lawmakers hold a one-vote majority in both legislative chambers, and Arizona Democrats are looking to the November election to overturn that margin. The national legislative committee is dedicated to making that happen, Paisley said. 

“Flipping the Arizona House and Senate in 2024 is not a priority—it’s a necessity,” she said, in an emailed statement. “Arizona Republicans are too extreme and out of step with voters, and it’s never been more important to flip the legislature and elect true champions of reproductive justice.”

Arizona Mirror is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Arizona Mirror maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jim Small for questions: info@azmirror.com. Follow Arizona Mirror on Facebook and Twitter .

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Watch Stephen Colbert’s hilarious take on GOP’s latest impeachment fail

The Republican Party’s attempted impeachment fiasco and beleaguered House Speaker Mike Johnson were the subjects of late-night talk show host Stephen Colbert’s opening monologue Wednesday night. Colbert observed that while the House Republicans targeting Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas “never identified a specific high crime or misdemeanor for the impeachment, which is usually kind of a thing,” the event was still historic.

It’s only the second time in America that a Cabinet member has been impeached. The first was Secretary of War William Belknap back in 1876, which Congress accused of “prostituting his high office to his lust for private gain.”

[In Trump voice singing Bette Midler song] Did you ever know that you’re my hero …

Colbert then laid it on thick, claiming that his entire show would be dedicated to covering the Senate’s impeachment trial of Mayorkas, before someone off camera told him the Senate immediately voted to dismiss the articles of impeachment. 

“That was quick,” said a stunned Colbert. “So, what do you guys want to talk about?”

Colbert then pivoted to the precarious position GOP Speaker Mike Johnson finds himself in, even though “they just got rid of the last guy six months ago.”

Republican speaker of the House has joined the list of least secure jobs, just below No. 2 leader of ISIS; World’s Oldest Man; and Rupert Murdoch fiancée.

Colbert: Republican Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, seen here in his profile pic on HammerYourOwnPenis.com.

After playing a clip of Johnson telling Fox Business’ Maria Bartiromo that Trump is “100% with me,” Colbert threw to a clip of Trump being asked whether he will support Johnson.

Trump: Well, we’ll see what happens with that.

Colbert: That is a dose of classic Trump loyalty. He’s got your back … so he can push you under a bus.

Zachary Mueller is the senior research director for America’s Voice and America’s Voice Education Fund. He brings his expertise on immigration politics to talk about how much money the GOP is using to promote its racist immigration campaigns.

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Mike Johnson may be speaker, but Democrats run the House

Republican House Speaker Mike Johnson has laid it all on the table: he’s staking his speakership—and his cozy relationship with Donald Trump—on aid to Ukraine, and putting his fate in the hands of Democrats. Democrats, in turn, are not going to make it easy for him.

In an impassioned speech Wednesday, Johnson argued that getting aid to Ukraine was paramount, even if putting that bill on the floor will likely trigger a move to oust him. “This is a critical time right now, a critical time on the world stage,” Johnson said. “I can make a selfish decision and do something that’s different but I’m doing here what I believe to be the right thing.”

He continued:

“I think providing lethal aid to Ukraine right now is critically important. I really do. I really do believe the intel and the briefings that we’ve gotten. I believe Xi, Vladimir Putin and Iran really are an axis of evil. I think they’re in coordination on it.”

Democrats seized on that speech, with Rep. Rosa DeLauro, ranking member on the Appropriations Committee, quoting it Thursday morning in her opening testimony in the Rules Committee. And it’s that committee—and the Democrats on it—that will determine the success of Johnson’s plan. The bills cannot advance to the floor if the committee doesn’t approve them, and the controlling bloc of Republican votes—the three extremists Reps. Chip Roy, Ralph Norman, and Thomas Massie—on that committee have already said they will oppose it.

It “sure would seem likely at this point” that Democrats will have to help get the bills out of committee, Roy told reporters. 

That would make history, again. The minority helping pass a bill out of Rules hasn’t happened since 1995 —and perhaps ever—according to “parliamentary obsessive and savant” @ringwiss , an uber procedural nerd who has gained a large following of House members, staff, and reporters because of his prowess in teasing out the archania of parliamentary procedures. 

The minority, however, is not making any promises to Johnson that they’ll do that, and in the end save his bacon. Ranking Rules Committee Democrat Rep. Jim McGovern was blunt about it while talking to reporters Thursday. “I don’t trust these guys … if they play it straight, we’ll see.”

He’s following the advice of Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries. In a meeting with his conference Thursday morning, according to members in the room who spoke with Politico , he told members to “Stay united and frosty on the foreign aid package, with no marching orders on exactly what that would require from Democrats.” 

That’s smart, because Johnson isn’t giving them much yet. They’ve pushed him to speed up consideration of the bills on the floor, to not adhere to the 72-hours rule to consider a bill. He’s done it before, in fact just last month in finally passing government funding. That move enraged the maniacs , of course, but they’ll be enraged no matter what he does. So he has nothing more to lose by expediting this one.

Democrats have no need to give any promises to Johnson at this point, especially when they hold the card of being able to force the vote on the Senate bill with a discharge petition.

RELATED STORIES:

The walls are closing in on GOP House Speaker Mike Johnson

Failing to help Ukraine would be far worse for the US than a shutdown

Another resignation means the House GOP’s margin for error will shrink even faster

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The 2017 GOP tax scam is paying for itself—by taxing scammed seniors

It’s no secret that the proliferation of scams targeting elderly Americans has increased dramatically  with the expansive spread of information technology. Older Americans are particularly vulnerable to such scams, a disturbing reality that was made clear to me shortly before my father passed away. My parents, both in their 80s, were being inundated by scam phone calls and mailings, including the infamous grandparent scam , literally on a daily basis. Because they, like many older Americans, grew up in a more trusting time, they were often just at the point of falling for these scammers on multiple occasions before I intervened. 

Few things in life are as viscerally humiliating as realizing you’ve been ripped off, but for older Americans, the shame and embarrassment is often aggravated by their inability to find help or recourse, particularly in a society now immersed in digital technologies they might not fully understand. Even worse is when the scam exacts a devastating financial blow that eviscerates the limited resources people may have saved to cover the cost of living into their advanced years.  

But these concerns didn’t seem to matter to Republicans in 2017, when they embarked on their mission to massively cut the taxes of their wealthiest benefactors. Instead, they found a clever new way of compounding the pain caused by this new epidemic of fraud: by forcing fraud victims to pay taxes on financial losses they’d suffered as a result of these scams, Republicans discovered they could provide even bigger tax cuts to their political patrons. All they needed to do was make a minor tweak to the tax code. So that’s exactly what they did.

As they drafted their massive corporate tax giveaway in 2017, ultimately passing it in the dead of night with exactly zero Democratic support, congressional Republicans tried to devise the most clever ways to skew the current tax code in ways that rewarded their wealthiest political donors, those corporations and individuals who had poured stupendous amounts of untraceable dark money into byzantine Republican PACs, all of it intended to achieve the overarching goal of eliminating their obligation to pay taxes. 

But those Republicans only had a finite sum of money to work with, and the tax cuts their donors demanded were a lot more than the nation could possibly afford. As Michael Laris reported in December for the Washington Post , just cutting the corporate tax rate from 35% to a measly 21% would cost $1.35 trillion. They simply needed to squeeze more money out of the rest of Americans in order to pay for these massive cuts for the rich.

So Republicans got creative. As Laris observes in his follow-up article, published last week in the Post,  first they capped the deductions for state and local taxes, deductions that millions of ordinary taxpayers—mostly from “progressive” states—had relied on for decades. But that wasn’t enough. As Laris notes, they also “temporarily” limited deductions for people who had lost their property due to floods, fires and earthquakes. But that wasn’t enough, either. 

Then someone had a flash of insight: What if we just eliminate the previous, established tax deduction for those victimized by frauds or scams? Those people—mostly old folks—were going to feel so foolish at being victimized, they’d never complain! Besides, older, helpless fraud victims don’t have any lobby representing them, no one to advocate on their behalf. Why not just change the tax code so they have to pay full taxes on their losses, even if those losses were incurred because of con men and scammers? It was a solution perfectly befitted to a party slavishly beholden to a serial con man and fraudster like Donald Trump. 

As a result, ever since the 2017 Republican tax abomination went into effect, with Trump’s blessing and signature,  many Americans victimized by fraud schemes are now burdened with the responsibility of paying taxes on money that has been stolen from them. 

Pennsylvania Democrat Bob Casey chairs the Senate’s Special Committee on Aging. This month, the committee released a report detailing some of the real-world consequences of the Republicans’ efforts.  

From the report’s Executive Summary:

For a century, taxpayers who experienced theft could claim a tax deduction to offset their losses: the casualty and theft loss deduction. In 2017, Republicans in Congress passed the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017 (TCJA), which effectively repealed this provision. As a result, victims of fraud and scams can no longer deduct those losses and are often obligated to pay taxes on money that has been stolen. At a time when fraud, scams, and related losses are steadily increasing, with older adults losing the most money, this change has been devastating for many Americans. In some cases, older adults are facing huge tax bills on top of losing all their assets, leading many in this situation to feel that they have been victimized twice.

Because the theft deduction has historically been limited to losses that exceed 10% of a taxpayer’s adjusted gross income, it was intended to apply in circumstances where the victim of fraud incurred significant losses. Thus, it was well-calibrated to protect vulnerable seniors who often live on a small, fixed income but may have more funds put away for their retirements. But with the near-total repeal of the theft deduction, taxpayers are now compelled to list many of these losses as regular income, thus subject to tax, even though they obviously could not have made use of money stolen from them. As the report notes, this distortion of their regular income can also impact poorer people’s eligibility for benefits such as SNAP or Medicaid. And while Republicans left standing some minor exceptions to their new prohibition, those exceptions favor businesses, not individuals.

As Laris’ Post article notes, the Senate committee report highlights interviews with retiree victims of scams who have nonetheless been forced to pay taxes on their losses, leaving them financially and emotionally devastated. One individual named “Larry” (last names are not emphasized for privacy reasons) was goaded into withdrawing over $750,000 from his retirement account by someone impersonating a Social Security Administration representative. Told his Social Security number was “compromised,” he was talked into purchasing cryptocurrency, which naturally disappeared. Because he had taken the money out of his IRA account, it was automatically subject to taxes, in the amount of $220,000. He was forced to rely on his brother to pay off the tax bill, and now says he has virtually nothing for his retirement and nothing to leave to his children.  

The committee’s report also highlights the story of “Kate,” a retired, widowed secretary taken in by a romance scam. The scammer, posing as a United Nations surgeon stationed in Iraq, bilked her out of nearly $40,000 after establishing an online relationship that included marriage proposals and phony communications from his non-existent children. She had withdrawn the money from a pre-tax retirement account and sent it to the scammer prior to discovering the fraud. Ultimately, she was forced to pay $5,000 in federal taxes on top of her losses. That drained her resources to the point where she could not afford repairs to her HVAC system, so she purchased a portable unit. That unit ultimately failed, leading to a fire that burned down her home.

There is no level that these scammers won’t stoop to. The committee report describes a man who was told by scammers posing as Department of Homeland Security agents that his citizenship was at risk because his identity had allegedly been stolen. He was conned into liquidating his pension fund, making a dozen wire transfers to safeguard his assets. When he was finally informed that he’d been a target of fraud, he’d lost nearly his entire life savings, and then faced a tax bill on his withdrawals amounting to nearly a million dollars. Another retiree couple from California were told that their bank accounts had been compromised and needed to be moved to “special” accounts. After losing $900,000 to the scam, they were hit with a $240,000 tax bill. In the meantime, the husband was diagnosed with late-stage cancer, compounding their financial stress. 

One might argue that the victims of these scams should have been less gullible. That may be a satisfying conceit, but the stories in the report show a level of sophistication that can deceive even the most highly educated people, such as the former White House scientist  who was swindled out of $655,000 from her retirement fund by an intricate tech support scam and taxed on her losses by the IRS, which saw those losses as a taxable distribution. The takeaway from the report is that virtually anyone can be scammed if the right circumstances are exploited.

Nor is it fair to blame the IRS for any of this. It is simply following the law as Republicans crafted it: to pay for the huge tax breaks they elected to bestow on their rich corporate donors. And, as Laris reports, despite the accumulation of horror stories happening to individual taxpayers—Democrats and Republicans alike—over 100 House Republicans sponsored legislation last year that would make these specific changes permanent.

Senate Democrats have responded with a bill that restores the theft deduction to its pre-2017 status. Since House Republicans have no desire to change the tax law as it currently stands, the fate of those bills will depend on which party controls Congress and the White House after the 2024 election. For Americans worried about protecting their assets and savings, that decision should not be difficult. 

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Juror dismissed from Trump trial as prosecutors seek to hold him in contempt

A juror in Donald Trump’s hush money trial was dismissed Thursday after expressing doubt about her ability to be fair and impartial, and the status of a second New Yorker picked for the panel was in limbo amid concerns that some of his answers in court may not been accurate.

The setbacks in the selection process emerged during a frenetic morning in which prosecutors also asked for Trump to held in contempt and fined over a series of social media posts this week, while the judge in the case barred reporters from identifying jurors’ employers.

The seating of the full jury — whenever it comes — will be a seminal moment in the case, setting the stage for a trial that will place the former president’s legal jeopardy at the heart of the campaign against Democrat Joe Biden . The trial will also feature potentially unflattering testimony about Trump’s private life in the years before he became president.

The jury selection process picked up momentum Tuesday with the selection of seven jurors. But on Thursday, Judge Juan Merchan revealed in court that one of the seven, a cancer nurse, had “conveyed that after sleeping on it overnight she had concerns about her ability to be fair and impartial in this case.” And though jurors’ names are being kept confidential, the woman said her family members and friends questioned her about being a juror.

Prosecutors also raised questions about a second juror, a man who works in information technology, saying they had located an article from the 1990s about a man with the same name as the juror being arrested for tearing down political advertisements in suburban Westchester County. The posters were on the political right, prosecutors said.

The man said under questioning this week that he had not been convicted of a crime. Merchan asked the juror to come to court Thursday morning for additional questioning.

Twelve jurors and six alternates must be seated to hear the trial. Merchan said Tuesday that opening statements could begin as soon as Monday.

The process of picking a jury is a critical phase of any criminal trial but especially so when the defendant is a former president and the presumptive Republican nominee. Prospective jurors have been grilled on their social media posts, personal lives and political views as the lawyers and judge search for biases that would prevent them from being impartial.

Inside the court, there’s broad acknowledgment of the futility in trying to find jurors without knowledge of Trump. A prosecutor this week said that lawyers were not looking for people who had been “living under a rock for the past eight years.”

But Thursday’s events laid bare the inherent challenges of selecting a jury for such a landmark, high-publicity case. After dismissing the nurse from the jury, Merchan ordered journalists in court not to report prospective jurors’ answers to questions about their current and former employers.

He said that “as evidenced by what’s happened already, it’s become a problem.” The answers also will be redacted from court transcripts.

Prosecutors had asked that the employer inquiries be axed from the jury questionnaire. Defense lawyer Todd Blanche responded that “depriving us of the information because of what the press is doing isn’t the answer.”

The district attorney’s office on Monday sought a $3,000 fine for Trump for three Truth Social posts they said violated the order. Since then, though, prosecutors say he’s made seven additional posts that they believe violate the order.

Several of the posts involved an article that referred to former Trump lawyer Michael Cohen as a “serial perjurer,” and one from Wednesday repeated a claim by a Fox News host that liberal activists were lying to get on the jury, said prosecutor Christopher Conroy.

Trump lawyer Emil Bove said Cohen “has been attacking President Trump in public statements,” and Trump was just replying.

The judge had already scheduled a hearing for next week on the prosecution’s request for contempt sanctions over Trump’s posts.

The trial centers on a $130,000 payment that Trump’s lawyer and personal fixer, Michael Cohen , made shortly before the 2016 election to porn actor Stormy Daniels to prevent her claims of a sexual encounter with Trump from becoming public in the race’s final days.

Prosecutors say Trump obscured the true nature of the payments in internal records when his company reimbursed Cohen, who pleaded guilty to federal charges in 2018 and is expected to be a star witness for the prosecution.

Trump has denied having a sexual encounter with Daniels, and his lawyers argue that the payments to Cohen were legitimate legal expenses.

Trump faces 34 felony counts of falsifying business records. He could get up to four years in prison if convicted, though it’s not clear that the judge would opt to put him behind bars. Trump would almost certainly appeal any conviction.

The hush money case is one of four criminal prosecutions involving Trump as he vies to reclaim the White House, but it’s possible that it will be the sole case to reach trial before November’s presidential election.

Appeals and other legal wrangling have caused delays in cases charging Trump with plotting to overturn the 2020 election results and with illegally hoarding classified documents .

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